Franklin Merrell-Wolff addresses a group of university students concerning the “wrongness” in the world due to suffering, ignorance, and perverse will. He makes a case for cultivating an attitude of nonviolence and raises the question of conscientious objection to military service. He discusses the use of truth-force and cautions that in a world that is not morally mature, we are going to face compromise. He then offers a distinction between “speculative” and “transcriptive” thinking and affirms that transcriptive thinking may help solve world problems.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff addresses a group of university students concerning his preliminary assessment of the student revolution of the late 1960s and early 1970s. He submits that its lack of a defined positive objective distinguishes it from other historical revolutions and renders it both inexplicable and dangerous. He goes on to discuss the need to overcome inner violence and issues a stern warning against the indiscriminate use of drugs.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff discusses the drastic consequences of not coming to terms with our serious ecological problems of over-population, pollution, and over-consumption.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff offers a critique of the decision handed down by the Supreme Court in the case of Elliott Ashton Welsh, II. He discusses the division of powers in our government and what should be the basis of conscientious objection to participation in military service by considering the distinction between purely conventional morality, reflective morality, and spiritual morality.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff continues to examine the reasons why we are not justified in regarding our present state of social and governmental development as a “true civilization.” Toward this end, he analyzes three principles that guide our conduct and activities: those governed by positive law; the zone of manners or morals; and, the zone of freedom.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff discusses the irrationality of the student revolt of the late 1960s and early 1970s. He argues that it should be understood as a massive social illness calling for psychological and spiritual attention.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff gives a strong condemnation of the behavior exhibited by the revolting students at the Democratic Convention in 1968. He attributes the negative influence exerted upon them to the work of Karl Marx and Sigmund Freud, and discusses the irrational nature of crowd psychology.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff describes the noble and dark sides of the student revolt and offers introductory remarks to clarify his strong condemnation of this movement.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff offers a distinction between the aristocratic and vulgar attitudes among men and suggests that the “aristocrat” develops a sense for nuance and subtle discernment that makes him more capable of realizing spiritual Consciousness.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff gives his impression of the “longhairs.” He denounces their orientation to what he calls universal uglification and urges those young people oriented to peace and love to sever their connection with those who are not so oriented. He then condemns the evil and vicious tactics historically employed by Marxist regimes.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff discusses three main forms of socialism: the administrative, the idealistic, and the revolutionary. He argues that the real contrast in political systems is not between socialism and capitalism, but rather between the collectivity and the individual. He points out that by emphasizing the freedom of the individual, the good of the collectivity can best be attained.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff presents a critique of various pragmatic thinkers and their philosophic line of influence on the New Left. He suggests that the pragmatic orientation to action fits the political scene of the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff outlines his impression of Henri Bergson, whom he met while attending Harvard. He discusses the nature of the moral dilemma reached by both the Vitalistic and the Voluntaristic schools of philosophy. He provides an analysis of the theory of evolution held by Bergson and the Pragmatists in the light of evolutionary theories presented by the Theosophical movement and Sri Aurobindo. He then discusses the nature of mediate and immediate cognition, and the luminous roots of introceptual knowledge.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff continues to draw correlations between Pragmatism and the New Left. He outlines the distinction between thalamic and cortical behavior as presented in a quote from Arthur Koestler’s The Yogi and the Commissar, and insists that the rational principle did not evolve only to assist in the adaptation of a living organism to its environment, as the Pragmatists assert. He goes on to discuss the nature of “systematic” and “physiognomic” time as formulated in Spengler’s The Decline of the West. He then offers an analysis of Marcuse’s influence on the thought and behavior of the New Left and a critique of his misapplication of the triadic dialectic.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff continues his analysis of the Marcuse’s misuse of Hegel’s triadic dialectic and the influence Marx and Freud had on his thought. He discusses the eros principle, the power principle, and formulates the basis for motivation by the “Truth principle.” He then goes on to discuss Jung’s impression of Freud by considering a lengthy quote from Memories, Dreams, Reflections and suggests that this reveals the influence of Freud’s thought to be very largely dark and evil.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff concludes his discussion of Freud's “sexual theory” and its regressive interpretation of culture. He then suggests that the schema offered in Kundalini Yoga provides another way of interpreting the relationship between sexuality and culture that is not fraught with this denigrating implication. He concludes this series by maintaining that in dealing with the essentially irrational factors that characterize the thinking of the New Left, we cannot dispense with the need for “conversion.”

Franklin Merrell-Wolff examines the energy crisis, the threat of nuclear destruction, population explosion, and environmental deterioration. He discusses the problems inherent in dialectic materialism around the world and the irrational multiplication of law in our country. He condemns the breakdown of sexual discipline, indulgence in violence in act and entertainment, the cult of ugliness, and the use of drugs. He argues that we are living in a world of vice that can only be saved from disaster by the intervention of illumined men who watch and guard this humanity.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff presents a mathematical approach integrating the concepts of revolution and evolution. He outlines a theory of individual psychology and explains how psychological type forms the basis of one’s political orientation either to the collective or the individual. He maintains that both have their place and that society should be so organized that neither is crushed. He discusses the nature of military, political, and economic power and states his preference for economic power where the principle of reason has an opportunity to function effectively.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff continues to argue that the distinction between the collective and the individual is not simply a moral one but a question of individual psychology. He discusses different collectivistic patterns and maintains that the contrast is not capitalism versus socialism but freedom versus regimentation. He insists that it is more important that the individual should be emphasized since it is only through the individual that the Divine enters the world.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff continues to outline the general principles of governance, a field that covers politics, economics, and sociology, and even religious interest. He discusses which type of individual should be in a position of power—that is, those who are more feeling and emotion oriented or those who are more thinking and reason oriented. He then discusses Le Bon’s work on crowd psychology and Moley’s characterization of the “political mind.”

Franklin Merrell-Wolff discusses the principle of force in our governments, in our courts, in the business world, and in sports. He argues that although the still emerging principle of reason is becoming more dominant, governments are still oriented to the principle of coercion and war and that to become truly civilized we must reject “adversaryism” and replace it by rational determination. He then submits that beyond the principles of force and reason, the principle of ananda and compassion, guided by love and peace, is yet to be realized.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff examines the implications of the preamble to the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America. He notes that it is essentially a metaphysical statement and proceeds to discuss the concepts of self-evidence, creation, and equality.

Franklin Merrell-Wolff continues his examination of the preamble to our Declaration of Independence and offers a trenchant analysis of the notions of equality and unalienable rights.